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It is true, as the movement critics assert, that the present women’s liberation groups are almost entirely based among “middle class” women, that is, college and career women; and the issues of psychological and sexual exploitation and, to a lesser extent, exploitation through consumption, have been the most prominent ones.
It is not surprising that the women’s liberation movement should begin among bourgeois women, and should be dominated in the beginning by their consciousness and their particular concerns. Radical women are generally the post war middle class generation that grew up with the right to vote, the chance at higher education and training for supportive roles in the professions and business. Most of them are young and sophisticated enough to have not yet had children and do not have to marry to support themselves. In comparison with most women, they are capable of a certain amount of control over their lives.
The higher development of bourgeois democratic society allows the women who benefit from education and relative equality to see the contradictions between its rhetoric (every boy can become president) and their actual place in that society. The working class woman might believe that education could have made her financially independent but the educated career woman finds that money has not made her independent. In fact, because she has been allowed to progress halfway on the upwardmobility ladder she can see the rest of the distance that is denied her only because she is a woman. She can see the similarity between her oppression and that of other sections of the population. Thus, from their own experience, radical women in the movement are aware of more faults in the society than racism and imperialism. Because they have pushed the democratic myth to its limits, they know concretely how it limits them.
At the same time that radical women were learning about American society they were also becoming aware of the male chauvinism in the movement. In fact, that is usually the cause of their first conscious verbalization of the prejudice they feel; it is more disillusioning to know that the same contradiction exists between the movement’s rhetoric of equality and its reality, for we expect more of our comrades.
This realization of the deep-seated prejudice against themselves in the movement produces two common reactions among its women: 1) a preoccupation with this immediate barrier (and perhaps a resultant hopelessness), and 2) a tendency to retreat inward, to buy the fool’s gold of creating a personally liberated life style.
However, our concept of liberation represents a consciousness that conditions have forced on us while most of our sisters are chained by other conditions, biological and economic, that overwhelm their humanity and desires for self fulfillment. Our background accounts for our ignorance about the stark oppression of women’s daily lives. (468 words)
1. What’s the basic difference between Middle Class women and other women in the liberation movement?
[A] Middle Class women are not married and have no children.
[B] Middle Class women are not afraid of their husbands.
[C] Other women grow up with no rights to vote.
[D] Other women have less control of their own lives.
2. What can we infer from the third paragraph?
[A] What makes women dependent is their economic status.
[B] Social democratic development plays a part in social inequality.
[C] Women can achieve their social equality through education.
[D] The upwardmobility ladder denies access to women.
3. What do radical women expect more from their male counterparts?
[A] More real respect for sex equality.
[B] More financial help.
[C] More political support.
[D] More active involvement in their movement.
4. According to the passage, when they realize the prejudice in their movement, a lot of women might
[A] become hopeless and pretend to live their own happy life.
[B] fight more bravely to get real equality with men.
[C] buys some gold so as to store enough money for themselves.
[D] retreat from the movement and focus on better education.
5. According to the author, the implication of the last paragraph is that most women
[A] are eager to be liberated by us from oppression.
[B] can retreat from the liberation movement too.
[C] couldn’t create the liberated life style as we do.
[D] have a strong desire for self-fulfillment as we do.
核心词汇
critic n. 批评家,评论家
assert v. 主张,声明,断言
liberation n. 解放
psychological a. 心理(学)的
exploitation n. 开发,开采,自私的利用
consumption n.消耗量, 消费量; 消耗, 消费, 挥霍
prominent a.杰出的; 显著的; 突出的; 重要的
bourgeois n. 中产阶级的人a. 中产阶级的
dominate v. 支配,占优势
consciousness n. 意识,知觉,自觉
radical n. 激进分子,原子团a. 激进的,根本的,基本的,彻底的
sophisticated a. 尖端的,复杂的,先进的;老练的,老于世故的
democratic a. 民主的
contradiction n. 反驳,矛盾
upward-mobility 上进心，向上倾向
oppression n. 压抑,沉闷,压迫手段
racism n. 民族主义; 种族歧视(意识)
imperialism n. 帝国主义
concretely ad.具体地
verbalization n. 以言语表现,冗长,冗赘
prejudice n. 偏见,成见,伤害v. 使…存偏见,
使…有成见,伤害
disillusion n. 觉醒,幻灭 v. 醒悟,使幻想破灭
rhetoric n. 修辞,华丽虚饰的语言,修辞学
comrade n. 同志
preoccupation n. 先取,先入成见,偏见
biological a. 生物学的
ignorance n. 无知
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难句剖析
1. It is true, as the movement critics assert, that the present women’s liberation groups are almost entirely based among “middle class” women, that is, college and career women; and the issues of psychological and sexual exploitation and, to a lesser extent, exploitation through consumption, have been the most prominent ones.
【解析】 it是形式主语，that the present women’s liberation groups…have been the most prominent ones整个句子是由that引导的主语从句，在the present women’s liberation groups are almost entirely based among “middle class” women, that is, college and career women 中，the present women’s liberation groups为主语,are almost entirely based为谓语，这是个被动语态，that is, college and career women为that引导的同位语从句对前一句话的解释说明。在and the issues of psychological and sexual exploitation and, to a lesser extent, exploitation through consumption, have been the most prominent ones中，issues为主语，have been为谓语。
【译文】 没错，正如妇女解放运动的批评家所声称的那样，目前的女性解放群体几乎完全是以中产阶级妇女为基础的，也就是大学毕业生和职业女性;对她们来讲心理剥削和性剥削以及较少的消费剥削是最突出的问题。
2. It is not surprising that the women’s liberation movement should begin among bourgeois women, and should be dominated in the beginning by their consciousness and their particular concerns.
【解析】 it 为形式主语that引导主语从句，the women’s liberation movement为从句主语，should begin和should be dominated为从句谓语，and should be dominated in the beginning by their consciousness and their particular concerns这句用了被动语态。
【译文】 妇女解放运动开始于资产阶级妇女，而且在开始阶段以她们的觉醒意识和所关注的特定内容为中心也没有什么稀奇的。
3. The higher development of bourgeois democratic society allows the women who benefit from education and relative equality to see the contradictions between its rhetoric (every boy can become president) and their actual place in that society.
【解析】 这句话的主干是development allows women to see the contradictions，所以development是主语，allows是谓语，women为宾语。who benefit from education and relative equality这句是由who引导的定语从句修饰前面的the women。
【译文】 资产阶级民主社会的高度发展让这些女性从高等教育和相对平等中获益，以至于可以看到民主发展所标榜的‘每个孩子都可以当总统’和她们在社会中的实际地位之间的矛盾。
4. However, our concept of liberation represents a consciousness that conditions have forced on us while most of our sisters are chained by other conditions, biological and economic, that overwhelm their humanity and desires for selffulfillment.
【解析】 全句是由while引导的两个并列句，第一个句子的主语是our concept of liberation, 谓语是represents, 宾语是a consciousness, that…us 是定语从句，修饰a consciousness;第二个句子的主语是most of our sisters, 谓语是are chained, 施动者是other conditions, biological and economic是形容词做定语后置修饰conditions, that…selffulfillment 是定语从句，修饰conditions.
【译文】 然而，我们的自由观念代表了一种我们的环境强加于我们的意识，而我们大多数的姐妹却被其他的诸如生理和经济等方面的条件所囚禁着，这些条件压制了她们的人性和实现自我价值的欲望。
文章类型：人文类——女性解放运动的主体
本文分析了女性解放运动中的主体，以及她们在运动中受到的不平等及歧视。
试题解析
1. 在解放运动中，中产阶级女性和其他女性最基本的不同点是什么?
[A] 中产阶级女性没有结婚，没有孩子。
[B] 中产阶级女性不怕她们的丈夫。
[C] 其他女性没有投票权。
[D] 其他女性对自己的生活控制的更加少。
细节事实题【正确答案】[D]
文章第二段最后一句说“同多数女性相比，这些人能够对自己的生活有一定的控制力”。换句话说，就是其他女性对自己生活的控制力较少。
2. 我们可以从第三段中推出什么?
[A] 女性的经济地位决定着她们能否独立。
[B] 社会民主的发展对社会的不平等也起着作用。
[C] 通过教育，女性可以得到社会平等。
[D] 在社会阶层的阶梯上，女性是不被允许继续往上爬的。
推理题【正确答案】[B]
文章第三段第一句说“资产阶级民主社会的高度发展让这些女性从高等教育和相对平等中获益，以致可以看到民主发展所标榜的‘每个孩子都可以成为总统’和她们在社会中的实际地位之间的矛盾”。这说明社会民主在发展，甚至说任何人都可以成为总统，而女性的实际地位却没有改变，证明社会的民主发展实际上在社会不平等中也扮演了角色，起到了作用。
3. 激进的女性期待男性对手怎样?
[A] 无性别歧视，给予真正的尊重。
[B] 更多的经济上的帮助。
[C] 更多政治上的支持。
[D] 更加积极的参与妇女解放运动。
细节事实题【正确答案】[A]
文章第四段说“在激进妇女越来越了解美国社会时，她们也同时越来越感受到妇女解放运动中的大男子主义。实际上，这通常是让女性第一次明确说出自己感受到的歧视的原因。当意识到妇女解放运动所标榜的平等和该运动的现实情况之间的矛盾时，妇女变得更加失望，因为我们想从我们的同志那里得到更多”。显然女性想从男性那里获得的是少一些大男子主义，也就是多一些对性别平等的真正尊重。
4. 根据文章的观点，当女性意识到在解放运动中受到的歧视，她们会
[A] 很失望，过着自欺欺人的幸福生活。
[B] 更勇敢的斗争，争取和男人平等。
[C] 买很多黄金给自己储备足够的金钱。
[D] 从运动中撤回，把重心放在更好的教育上。
细节事实题【正确答案】[A]
文章第五段说“意识到这种深深扎根于她们的解放运动中的歧视，妇女会产生两种常见的反应：1)对这种最直接的障碍的偏见(可能导致绝望)，2)从阵上撤退，然后创造一种自欺欺人的个人的自由生活方式”。所以正好是A选项的两点。
5. 根据作者的观点，最后一段暗示了大部分女性
[A] 渴望被解放，摆脱压迫。
[B] 也能从解放运动中撤回。
[C] 并不能像我们一样创造自由的生活。
[D] 都像我们一样怀有强烈的实现自我价值的欲望。
推理题【正确答案】[C]
本题较难。要将末尾两个段落综合考虑。第五段末尾曾提到激进的中产积极妇女如果感到歧视根深蒂固就可能绝望，或干脆过一种自己的自由生活了事，而文章尾段表示“我们的自由观念代表了一种我们的环境强加于我们的意识，而我们大多数的姐妹却被其他的诸如生理和经济等方面的条件所囚禁着，这些条件压制了她们的人性和实现自我价值的欲望”，证明大多数女性不能像我们一样，要是不搞妇女解放运动了就可以过一种自己想过的自由生活。
全文精译
没错，正如妇女解放运动的批评家所声称的那样，目前的女性解放群体几乎完全是以中产阶级妇女为基础的，也就是大学毕业生和职业女性;对她们来讲心理剥削和性剥削以及较少的消费剥削是最突出的问题。
妇女解放运动开始于资产阶级妇女，而且在开始阶段以她们的觉醒意识和所关注的特定内容为中心也没有什么稀奇的。激进的妇女通常是战后的中产阶级一代，她们成年后享有投票权、获得高等教育的机会和在她们的职业和领域中扮演次要角色所需的训练。她们绝大多数都很年轻而且精明的选择到现在还没有孩子，而且不必通过婚姻来养活自己。同多数女性相比，这些人能够对自己的生活有一定的控制力。
资产阶级民主社会的高度发展让这些女性从高等教育和相对平等中获益，以至于可以看到民主发展所标榜的‘每个孩子都可以当总统’和她们在社会中的实际地位之间的矛盾。工人积极妇女可能认为教育可以让她们获得经济上的独立，但是受过教育的妇女发现钱并没有能让她们独立。实际上，由于她们被允许在社会阶层的阶梯上爬到一半，她们可以看到她们没有权利继续爬上另外一半，原因在于她们是女人。她们可以看到她们自己受到的压迫和人口中其他阶层所受到的压迫之间的相似性。因此，根据她们自己的经验，激进的妇女在妇女解放运动中可以发现除了种族主义、帝国主义以外的社会弊病。因为她们把民主的神话已经推到了极限，她们清楚地知道民主是怎样限制她们的发展的。
在激进妇女越来越了解美国社会时，她们也同时越来越感受到妇女解放运动中的大男子主义。实际上，这通常是让女性第一次明确说出自己感受到的歧视的原因。当意识到妇女解放运动所标榜的平等和该运动的现实情况之间的矛盾时，妇女变得更加失望，我们期待更多的伙伴加入我们。
意识到这种深深扎根于她们的解放运动中的歧视，妇女会产生两种常见的反应：1)对这种直接的障碍的偏见(可能导致绝望)，2)从阵上撤退，然后创造一种自欺欺人的个人的自由生活方式。
然而，我们的自由观念代表了一种我们的环境强加于我们的意识，而我们大多数的姐妹却被其他的诸如生理和经济等方面的条件所囚禁着，这些条件压制了她们的人性和实现自我价值的欲望。我们的背景使我们不了解女性日常生活中所遭遇的残酷压迫。
第一段：女性解放运动的主体。
第二段：分析了中产阶级女性是运动主体的原因。
第三段：女性解放中遇到的问题即受到的歧视。
第四段：女性意识到运动中的不公平，更加失望。
第五段：女性意识到歧视后的两种反应。
第六段：另一些经济地位不高的女性面临的问题更多。
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